Trial of Dang Sy

Trial of Dang Sy is the struggle for the defendant's justice by many people, regardless geographic boundaries, to overcome odds that at times, seemed impossible.

    Background Information

    Early Life

    Mathew Sy Dang (Vietnamese: Matheo Đặng Sỹ), was an officer in the Army of the Republic of Vietnam who was known for his unjust implications in the deaths of several young people at a state-run radio station in Hue during the turbulent 1960s. His subsequent trial and imprisonment were results of appeasing the volatile politics [Blair, 1995], [Dommen, 2001], [Douglas, 2008], [Hammer, 1987].

    Born in the province of Thua Thien, Hue, Sy Dang (1929-2006), attended Lasallian school, Pellerin, and graduated from National Military Academy of Dalat as first Lieutenant.

    He came from a long line of devout Catholics, which includes Michael Hy Ho-Dinh, one of the Vietnamese Martyrs.  Military life was no stranger to Sy Dang, his father was a captain for the local national guard unit. At age 14, Sy Dang ventured as an interpreter for the local French garrison. He tried the prospect of being a Christian Brother, like his mother's brother, but found out he was not suited for a pious, teaching life. Sy Dang then decided to follow a military career, a popular choice for young men at the time.

    Sy Dang married at the age of 21. His wife, Maria Cam De Nguyen (1931 - 2000), came from a long line of devout Buddhists. Her paternal grandmother was from the house of Minh Mang. Her maternal side was another line of successful mandarins. She converted to Catholicism through marriage and stayed as one until her death. 
     

    Military career

    After attending U.S. Infantry Center & School at Fort Benning, GA, Captain Sy Dang quickly progressed to the rank of major, as Military Sector Commander and Deputy Chief of Thua Thien Province, Hue. Second Regiment Commander of the First Infantry Division .

    During the early years of the First Republic government, Major Sy Dang was in campaigns aimed at unifying South Vietnam. He received commendations and medals for doing his duty of protecting his men. In his early 30s, Major Sy Dang was named deputy Chief and Security Commander, in charge of Thua Thien and Hue city.

    While in this position, he was embroiled in the midst of political unrests which led to the Trial of Dang Sy. As Deputy in charge of Hue's security, Major Sy Dang was held responsible for the death of 8 people. Many accounts, which included official CIA Weekly reports and U.S. State Department reports, indicated that Major Dang took direct actions that caused these deaths [CIA Weekly Report, 1964], [Time, 1964]. There are other accounts, which suggested Major Dang was at the right time and place for a set up by third party with interests in seeing the Diem Regime fell. Some sources, such as Arthur Dommen and Ellen Hammer speculated that an American serviceman and a handful CIA operatives orchestrated the whole incident [Hammer, 1987], [Dommen, 2001].

    Dishonorable press campaign was leveled against Major Dang and the Catholic Church for having directly oppressed the Buddhist [Gheddo, 1970]. This serious episode caused many believed the trial was set up to appease the escalating violence and protests even after the ouster of the First Republic's President Diem [Blair, 1995], [Dommen, 2001], [Gheddo, 1970].

    While the First Republic government dismissed charges of misconducts and paid indemptions to victims families in 1963, it was replaced [Dommen, 2001], [Douglass, 2008].  The Military Junta tried and pressed a death sentence for Major Dang in 1964 [Douglass, 2008], [Hammer, 1987].

     

    References

    1. Blair, Anne E. Lodge in Vietnam: A Patriot Abroad. Yale University Press, 1995.
    2. Tributes: Because Every Life Has a Story...
    3. The Situation in Vietnam - CIA Weekly Report (June 1964)
    4. South Viet Nam: Again, the Buddhists. Time. (June 1964)
    5. Telegram From the Embassy in Vietnam to the Department of State. (June 1964)
    6. Dommen, Arthur J. The Indochinese experience of the French and the Americans: Nationalism and Communism in Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam . Indiana University Press, 2001.
    7. Douglass, James. JFK and the unspeakable: Why He Died and Why It Matters. Orbis Books, 2008.
    8. Hammer, Ellen J. A Death in November. Penguin Publishing Group, 1987.
    9. The Impossible Prayer. The Baltimore Evening Sun ( July 1987)
    10. Incident at Hue - The flags and the generals 
    11. Gheddo, Piero. The Cross and the Bo De-tree: Catholics and Buddhists in Vietnam. Sheed and Ward Publishing, 1970.  

    Overview of the Trial of Dang Sy

    Preface

    While Pope Paul VI's did not believe the street clashes leading to the killing of a Catholic youth by Buddhist mob were signs of religious conflicts [New York Times, 1964], the L'Osservatore Romano appealed to the South Vietnamese for calm in the midst of further violence and protests after the ouster of President Diem's First Republic.

    In the meanwhile, the U.S. bishops believed Major Dang's allegations and trial were results of religious discriminations orchestrated by a pro-Buddhist government to appease the raging turmoils threatening the new Military Junta's replacement. Monsignor Asta, the Papal Delegate in South Vietnam, insisted on U.S. intervention due to the indications that General Khanh's decision to attack Major Dang Sy, at the trial, would precipitate an all-out religious war between the Catholics and Buddhists [Blair, 1995]. U.S. Assistant Secretary of State, Mike Forrestal, assured National Catholic Welfare Conference Legal Department, Harmon Burns, that Premier Khanh pledged to reduce Major Dang's capital punishment and would grant Major Dang the permission to leave Vietnam after the trial [United Nations Affairs, 1964].

     

     

    This pledge was not fulfilled, as Major Dang was imprisoned, with no formal charges, to Con Son Pennitary[New York Times, 1964]. The U.S. Catholics then ceased to convince the U.S. government to intervene directly with Vietnamese affairs out of concerns that further violence would be inflicted on the minority Catholics [United Nations Affairs, 1964].

     

    References

    1. Vatican Appeals for Saigon Calm. New York Times, 30 August 1964.
    2. Poetic Justice in Vietnam? United Nations Affairs, 20 July 1964.
    3. VIETNAM OFFICER DRAWS LIFE TERM; Convicted of Killing Eight. New York Times, 7 Jun 1964.
    4. Blair, Anne E. Lodge in Vietnam: A Patriot Abroad. Yale University Press, 1995.


    United Nations Fact Finding Mission

    After the incident at Hue radio station, the arrests of dissidents at several Buddhist temples in Saigon, and the protest of Venerable Thich Quang Duc, Cambodia broke off diplomatic relation with South Vietnam and declined further U.S. aid packages. Laos declared neutrality. Sixteen members of United Nations filed human right violations against South Vietnam. To clear itself of the allegations of persecuting the Buddhists, the First Republic invited an independence panel of representatives to visit and did an exhaustive investigation of these allegations. Embassies from Afghanistan, Brazil, Costa Rica, Dahomey, Morocco, Ceylon and Nepal, accompanied by Marguerite Higgins, began their investigation on October 11 and concluded their findings on December 9, 1963. This report was largely ignored by international press until December 20, when Costa Rica Ambassador Fernando Volio-Jimenez granted an interview to NCWC News Agency and brought it to international attention.

    On February 17, 1964, U.S. Senator Thomas Dodd (D-CT) presented these findings to Senator James Eastland (D-MS), chairman of U.S. Senate Subcommittee on Internal Security, to inform the American public that they had been misled [U.S. Senate Report, 1964].

    During their visit, the fact finding mission was permit to travel anywhere in South Vietnam and met with many government officials, mainly Buddhists and Confucians, as well as members of the Buddhist Hierarchy. No Catholic clergies or citizens were invited to participate in the United Nations investigation.

    Served as a time capsule, the mission's report consisted of United Nations recommendations, the testimonies of South Vietnam government officials, demands from moderate Buddhist leaders as well as the radical Thich Tri Quang accusations of religious persecutions.

    The appendices included decrees, dated from Emperor Bao Dai's reign, stating:

    1) All South Vietnam citizens could enjoy practicing their faith of choice.
    2) All religious flags must be flown below the national flag.
    3) Government could hold South Vietnam citizens indefinitely for political reasons.

    Some of the findings included:

    1) There were no religious persecutions as the law did not single out any one particular religion.
    2) Deaths at the unfortunate incident near Hue radio station was caused by explosions, most probably made by Communist infiltrators. As South Vietnam army did not have such weapon in their possession.
    3) There were only 8 dead, 7 children and one adult, in contrast to the 9 dead and 24 wounded, as perpetrated by the international press.
    4) Victims suffered massive wounds, in contrast to claims of gun or artillery fires, as perpetrated by international press.
    5) The victims came from various religions, not all were Buddhists, as perpetrated by international press.
    6) A young Buddhist monk reported that he was recruited to perform self sacrifice acts, with promises of using drugs to dull pain, and he later learned the heinous acts committed by the government were complete fabrications.

    Ambassador Volio-Jimenez stated that though no government was perfect, the very act of South Vietnam to invite United Nations investigators proved that the First Republic was forthright and willing to fix its human rights violations, as alleged by the sixteen member nations [U.N. Fact Finding Mission, 1963].

    REFERENCES

    1. United Nation Fact Finding Mission, 9 December 1963.
    2. U.S. Senate Report to Subcommittee of Internal Security, 17 February 1964.
    3. United States Congress, Biography - Thomas J. Dodd.
    4. United States Congress, Biography - James O. Eastland.


    The Trial

    The trial, took place in Saigon on June 2, 1964 at 9:00 AM, with the presence of United Nations. It lasted for a week. The Military tribunal, or the Revolutionary Court, made up of eight military personnel, including General Dang Văn Quang and Colonel Dương Hiếu Nghĩa. The Honorable Lê Văn Thụ was the presiding Judge and Lt. Colonel Nguyễn Văn Đức was the Prosecutor. These were the same officials for cases against Ngô Đình Cẩn and Colonel Phan Quang Dong a year before, when both of the accusers were quickly judged and executed. Unlike the previous two cases which were held in Hue, the trial of Dang Sy was held in more orderly manner, the twenty families who represented the eight victims were absent [Hammer, 1987].

    The charges brought against Major Dang were attempted and premeditated murders. The prosecution sought the death penalty, if the defendant was found guilty. Even though the incident took place at Hue, the prosecution and defense asked the court to hold the trial in Saigon, away from the dissidents and possible violence against the defendant and his family [Gettysburg Times, 1964].

    The public reaction was frenzy. The Buddhists, initially demanded death penalty, proposed clemency if Major Dang admitted guilt. On the other hand, the Catholics demanded equal treatment for Major Dang, as other Buddhist perpetrators of the allegations [Times, 1964].

    References:

    1. Hammer, Ellen J.  A Death in November. Penguin Publishing Group, 1987.
    2. Start Trial For Murder. Gettysburg Times, 2 Jun 1964.
    3. South Viet Nam: Again, the Buddhists. Times, 3 Jun 1964.


    Allegations

    While General Khanh's Revolutionary council released all Military Junta generals, he continued to imprison Major Dang Sy. General Khanh was sure this move would improve his relation with General Duong Van Minh's Military Junta while bolstering his support with the militant Buddhists under Thich Tri Quang [CIA Weekly Report, 1964], [Moyar, 2006].

    While in prison, Major Dang reported that he was pressured into pinning the responsibility for the raising death toll on the only remaining Ngô figure, Bishop Ngô Đình Thuc. He refused to do so, either in prison or at the trial [Higgins, 1965], [Gheddo, 1970]. Had this ploy worked, the South Vietnamese Catholics and the Catholic Church itself would have gone through an extremely difficult time [Gheddo, 1970].

    References:

    1. Higgins, Marguerite. Our Vietnam nightmare. Harper Row Publishing, 1965.
    2. The Situation in Vietnam - CIA Weekly Report (June 1964)
    3. Telegram From the Embassy in Vietnam to the Department of State, June 1964.
    4. Dommen, Arthur J. The Indochinese experience of the French and the Americans: Nationalism and Communism in Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam . Indiana University Press, 2001.
    5.  Hammer, Ellen J.  A Death in November. Penguin Publishing Group, 1987.
    6. Gheddo, Piero. The Cross and the Bo De-tree: Catholics and Buddhists in Vietnam, (1970).
    7.  Moyar, Mark. Triumph Forsaken: the Vietnam war, 1954-1965. Cambridge University Press, 2006.


    Testimony

    To gain a neutral perspective, the First Republic invited United Nations to send an investigative mission to South Vietnam, despite official protests from North Vietnam. Even though South Vietnam was working toward membership in United Nations, the Secretary General granted the request. Completed in December 1963, this report had never seen the light of day since the media deemed it was unnecessary because the Diem government had been replaced [Higgins, 1965], [Hammer, 1987].

     

    References:

    1. Higgins, Marguerite. Our Vietnam nightmare. Harper Row Publishing, 1965.
    2. Hammer, Ellen J.  A Death in November. Penguin Publishing Group, 1987.

     


    Verdict

    While the First Republic government dismissed charges of misconducts and paid indemptions to victims families in 1963, the Revolutionary Tribunal tried and pressed a death sentence for Major Dang in 1964 [Gadsden Times, 1964].

    Major Dang, maintained his and his men's innocence in the cause of deaths. Fifty men were released but the sentence still progressed toward extreme penalty for Major Dang.

    The victims of the blasts came from mixed backgrounds and religions. While the media reported the victims were Buddhists, they glossed over the fact that at least one of the victims was a Catholic [New York Times, 1964]. The cause of the blasts were of unknown origin, even until today. Major Dang, while escaped harm, was implicated because of the his vincinity to the casualties. Post-mortem autopsy, performed by Dr. Le Khac Quyen, revealed the corpses were damaged by explosion, not ammunition. MK3 concussion grenades used by Major Dang's troops were determined to be non-lethal. Dr. Wulff's testimony and medical office corroborated that victims were killed by larger, lethal explosions.

    Despite the prosecution's press for the death penalty, Major Dang's lawyer contended that the court could not establish concrete evidence to prove beyond reasonable doubts of his client's alleged crimes. Major Dang concluded his defense by saying he was a victim of a religious conflict [Gadsden Times, 1964].

    When the military tribunal pronounced sentence, sympathetic Catholics and Buddhists lined the streets in protest in the following Monday, prompting many international observers to speculate an internal civil war was about to be erupted [Gadsden Times, 1964], [ Keesing's World News, 1964], [Topmiller, 2006].

    References:

    1. Death Sentence Asked for Vietnamese Major. Gadsden Times, June 6, 1964.
    2. Religious-political Furor In Viet Nam Sparks Noisy March. Gadsden Times, June 8, 1964
    3. VIETNAM OFFICER DRAWS LIFE TERM; Convicted of Killing Eight. New York Times, June 7, 1964
    4. Protest Against Military Rule, 100,000 marched. Keesing's World News, December 1, 1964 .
    5. U.S. Senate Report - POW and MIA. Government Printing Office. 1992.
    6. Topmiller, Robert. The Lotus Unleashed: The Buddhist Peace Movement in South Vietnam, 1964-1966. University Press of Kentucky, 2006.
    7. Life Term for Officer in Viet Row. Gadsden Times, June 8, 1964


    Further Turmoil

    Tension between Catholics and Buddhists over the life sentence given to Major Dang Sy heightened [New York News, 1964].

     

     

    On Monday, August 9, 1964, 40,000 people marched across Saigon and surrounding areas protesting the sentencing as well as the odd silence of the United States. Crowds carried English banners urging U.S. Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge to state his official stand and demanded the Revolutionary Council's stand on governing South Vietnam. As the crowds converged at the Cathedral in Saigon, some even tried to tear down the memorial plaque for the late President John F. Kennedy, saying religious ground was not a place for politicians. Though they were promptly stopped by others in the crowd, most South Vietnamese felt the Kennedy administration was partly responsible for the death of President Diem [New York News, 1964]. Some believed that Ambassador Lodge was molding the subservient Nguyen Khanh's government which was held under the sway of certain Buddhist leadership influence [Associated Press, 1964], [Blair, 1995].

    On the following Wednesday August 11, 1964, a petition, signed by 345 Catholic clergies, was delivered to General Khanh Nguyen asking clemency for Major Dang. The petition stated the charges were vague and the conviction was based on the testimonies of two men who changed their stories and contradicted each other. General Khanh stated that he would open a commission to review Major Dang's case [New York News, 1964].

    South Vietnamese army went through a period of demoralization as commanding officers refused to execute orders from their superiors without written authorization. They blamed the frequent replacement of their superiors would make them doing their duty one day and be punished by the next incoming commanders. They did not want to go through the same ordeal as Major Dang Sy [The Daily News, 1964].

    The United States silence on the trial of Dang Sy had created a double standard. As the media and U.S. government condemmed Saigon regime on Buddhist persecution, little or no coverage on the arrests of Catholic military personnel. Father Patrick O'Connor observed that Buddhists or those claimed to be of this faith, were given preferential treatment, even in cases of committing crimes [New York News, 1964].

    References:

    1. New Religious Tension Builds. New York News, August 9, 1964.
    2. Vietnamese Catholics Rap Lodge. Associated Press, August 9, 1964.
    3. Douglass, James. JFK and the unspeakable: Why He Died and Why It Matters. Orbis Books, 2008.
    4. Saigon Frees 9 Diem Aids. New York News, October 19, 1964.
    5. U.S. Must Correct Vietnam Errors. The Daily Reviews - June 25, 1964.
    6. Vietnamese Can't Figure U.S. Stand on Riot Against Government. New York News, September 9, 1964.
    7. Blair, Anne E. Lodge in Vietnam: A Patriot Abroad. Yale University Press, 1995.


    Aftermath

    While the initial reports from U.S. Embassy and Halberstam-Sheehan in Saigon reported that Major Dang ordered troops to fire on peaceful demonstrators, or the victims died from grenades on the radio station's balcony; subsequent U.S. State Department reports restated that Major Dang's troops were not involved in the casualties at the Hue radio station and the deaths were caused by large, unknown explosions. They further elaborated that the death tolls were limited to 8, instead of 9 with many wounded, as stated in the initial reports. According to a CIA high level official, George Carver, the source of the explosion would probably remain a mystery, shrouded in secrecy, for all times [Hammer, 1987].

    In a report to the U.S. Congress Subcommittee of Internal Security, Senator Thomas J. Dodd presented the false reports created about South Vietnam. He informed the subcommitee that the United States had been misled by radical reporting that led to the ouster of President Diem [Dodd, 1964]. In his testimony to Congress, CIA director William Colby also expressed his doubts in the reports of Buddhist persecutions. He iterated that Major Dang Sy did not order his troops to open fire on demonstrators, though actions taken by the South Vietnamese military were witnessed by German doctors [Prados, 2004]. In Congressional Recording Volume 114, the U.S. Congress found that Major Dang Sy was a 7 times decorated hero in the South Vietnamese Army and was held without formal charges. The Trial of Dang Sy had created such financial burden on the Dang family that several U.S. faith-based charities had to provide financial support to Mrs. Dang [HR 12449, 89-2, 1966], [Congressional Recording, 1967].

    One of the presiding members of the Military Tribunal, and Major Dang's lawyer contended that the court sentenced Major Dang without proving beyond reason of a doubt, based on inconclusive and unconnected evidences. This was done to court the radical Buddhist movement for supporting a fading Military Junta that was facing further turmoils [Hammer, 1987]. The most notable act that caused violence under General Khanh's regime was the revised Vietnamese Constitution (Vietnamese: Vũng Tàu Hiến Chương).

     

     

    The plight of Major Sy Dang came to the attention of Mrs. Anne Westrick in 1966 who petitioned to U.S. Congress, Departments of Defense and State, and allies government for Major Dang's freedom [Owosso Argus-Press, 1966]. General Khanh's Military Junta was replaced in 1967 by Premier Nguyễn Van Thieu. The Second Republic, called for unity in South Vietnam and promised to a better government and future for South Vietnam [Christian Science Monitor, 1967], offered Major Dang a choice of returning to his rank or resigning to the life of a civilian. Major Dang chose the latter. A member of Vietnamese Congress then introduced Mr. Dang to an office of Bank of America in Saigon, which offered Mr. Dang employment [Baltimore Sun, 1987].

     

    In 1970, the Hoa Binh newspaper ran a story that Captain James Scott, who was reassigned to Mekong Delta region, admited that he was the one who set the explosive devices [Hammer, 1987].

    As for the cause of deaths for the eight victims, the debates raged on, even until today [Wolf, 2002], [Truong, 2010].

    References:

    Dodd, Thomas.  Testimony to U.S. Congress Subcommitee of Internal Security, 1964.
    Hammer, Ellen J. A Death in November. Penguin Publishing Group, 1987.
    Happy July 4th. The Baltimore Sun, July 1987.
    Prados, John. Lost Crusader: the Secret Wars of CIA director William Colby. Oxford University Press, 2004.
    Nine Diem Backers Released. New York Times, October 1966.
    State Woman Fights for Major's Freedom. Owosso Argus-Press, March 1966.
    Thieu Voices Appeal for Unity and Sacrifice. Christian Science Monitor, November 1967.
    Truong, Vinh. Vietnam War: The New Legion. Trafford Publishing, 2010.
    United States Congress: House Committee on Foreign Affairs - Foreign Assistance Act of 1966, H.R. 12449, 89-2.
    United States Congressional Recording Volume 114. Government Printing Office (1967).
    Wolf, Marvin J. and Nguyen, Cao Ky. Buddha's Child: My Fight to Save Vietnam. Macmillan Publishing, 2002.

    Buddhist Crisis

    Buddhist Crisis

    The Buddhist Crisis, coined by Ambassador Lodge and the international press, was a months long public dissention instigated by radical factions who infiltrated South Vietnam and inflamed the already volatile political climate in this struggling Southeast Asian country [Blair, 1995].

    The United States grew uneasy when international media reported that political unrests continued to escalate, while South Vietnam President insisted that his administration was making progress toward quelling public dissension [Hammer, 1987]. While the first, opened coup by the military failed and the government jailed several key military members, it was non-violent and there was no loss of life. The next attempt was more secretive and deadly, as the President and his advisor were brutally murdered in Saigon, amidst conflicted reportings from the U.S. Embassy, Associated Press and South Vietnamese government themselves [Dommen, 2001]. The Military Junta effectively blocked off all troops loyal to the President and released several versions of the coup to the United States. First, the President and his advisor were caught in a tunnel, dressing as Catholic priests, then they committed suicide in their escape car when the revolutionary forces were closing in. It was later changed to the brothers were killed by mortars upon attempting to escape the barricade of armored vehicles. The final official version indicated that both the Ngo brothers were killed by commandos [Dommen, 2001], [Hammer, 1987].  Even the media spared no mercy when publishing the late president's obituaries [Higgins, 1965], [Hammer, 1987]. While the second coup resulted in the violent ouster of South Vietnam first President, it was the subsequent turmoils that led to the Trial of Dang Sy and further escalations that caused the downfall of the Military Junta [Blair, 1995], [Hammer, 1987].

    Ambassador Nolting called this brief, yet volatile period, the Buddhist Upheaval [Nolting, 1988] while the United Nations fact finding mission called it the Buddhist Revolt [United Nations, 1964]. 

    When does justice become tyranny justice? Why did movements for justice often go wrong? To start with, the Buddhist Revolt was a contrived, cold-blooded political move organized under an organized "General Association of Vietnamese Buddhists" who sounded as if they represented all the Buddhists in the country, but in fact it didn’t, not by a long shot. Their political agitation was widely interpreted by Vietnamese and Americans as a revolt against religious persecution, just as they intended. In fact, there was no religious persecution on the part of the government, or even religious discrimination. This political plot to undermine the First Republic got a false interpretation in the U.S. press  where it was sensationalized and badly misread, thus misled the American public on this crucial issue [Hasdorff, 2003]. Where do these information come from? Most of these came from the Military Junta, who sought to discredit the First Republic and to justify their actions to save South Vietnam from the political crisis [Moyar, 2006], [Jacobs, 2004].

    To understand the cause of this situation, one needs to examine the beginning of this small country. The end of French colonial rule in Indochina marked the beginning of the United States effort to create a separate and strong state in Vietnam. The purpose of this nation building was to thwart Communist expansion. The United States would measure success by the Vietnamese government's ability to incorporate all elements of society into the new state. The Saigon regime repeatedly experienced great difficulty in commanding the allegiance of South Vietnam's Buddhists; these events were known as the Buddhist Crisis which cummulated into the downfall of President Diệm and the following regimes [Moyar, 2006].

    South Vietnam’s origins can be traced to the French colony of Cochinchina, a subdivision of French Indochina, which consisted of the southern third of Vietnam. After World War II, the Việt Minh, a combination of nationalists and communists, commanded by General Võ Nguyên Giáp, forced the Imperial French to surrender and Vietnam gained independence [Moyar, 2006]. In 1949, the Geneva Convention held in Paris divided Vietnam at the 17th Parallel. The North, led by Hô Chi Minh and the South, led by Emperor Bảo Đại. In 1954, a mass exodus of people from the North fled the extreme socialist policies  and land reforms  of the communist government [Moyar, 2006]. For those who had no where to go, Prime Minister Ngô Đình Diệm relocated them just outside of Saigon, with the purpose of re-integrating them into the new southern environment and culture. In 1955, Emperor Bảo Đại abdicated and the first democratic election was set up to select the next leader. Though North Vietnam contested the election as being rigged, Prime Minister Ngô Đình Diệm received more popular votes than other candidates such as House Delegate Trần Văn Hương. South Vietnam held elections for the General Assembly, which constituted all citizens, regardless of religions or political affiations [Moyar, 2006]. Within a few years, South Vietnam production per capita grew both economically and socially. An average person annual earning was equivalent to $130 (USD) while production of sugar, rice and seafood doubled. Saigon grew into an international hub and dubbed "Pearl of the Far East" [Gheddo, 1970]. With economic helps from the United States, the First Republic embarked on various successful, non-violent land reforms that eliminated land serfdom from the monarchaic days, by purchasing lands from landowners and distributed them to working peasants. This won large majority people over, especially those who had experienced the violent and unjust land confistications practices from the North. The program lasted until funds eventually dried out [Moyar, 2006]. The Human Border Initiative was another successful program to bring roads and military support to remote areas in Central Vietnam. The First Republic opened roads from cities to outskirt areas to strengthen towns security with frequent troops patrols and better business commerce [Moyar, 2006].

    Confucian has been in Vietnam since the begining of history; influenced by Chinese culture, Vietnamese practiced ancestral worship. About 90% of Vietnamese worshipped their ancestors. Buddhism was introduced later and was most flourished under the Tran Dynasty during the 15th century. Buddhist pagodas were erected in honor of Kings and nobles. The king granted lands to build temples. Being a newer religion, the Catholic establishments were incorporated in the late 19th century. Under President Diệm, Catholics were appointed to positions of power at all levels of government. The Buddhists, who constituted a majority of Vietnamese, resented the preferential treatment given to the small Catholic minority in South Vietnam and those migrated from the North, they viewed Catholism generally enjoyed advantages throughout South Vietnamese society since the French colonism through the early days of the First Republic [Blair, 1995]. The late 1950s and early 1960s witnessed a growth in Buddhist institutions in the South, both secular and religious. The desire to gain influence in proportion to their numbers led to the emergence of a Buddhist community with a high level of political and social consciousness [Brush, 2005].

    In April 1961, a treaty of amity and economic relations was signed with South Vietnam, and in December, President John F. Kennedy pledged to help South Vietnam maintain its independence. Subsequently, U.S. economic and military assistance to the First Republic increased significantly. In December 1961, the first U.S. troops, consisting of 400 uniformed army personnel, arrived in Saigon in order to operate two helicopter companies; these were non-combat units. A year later, U.S. military strength in Vietnam stood at 11,200 [Onion, Sullivan, Mullen, 2009]. While top level U.S. government was given good progresses made in South Vietnam, people on the grounds in Saigon did not believe in such outcomes. Starting with the attempted assasination of Ngo Dinh Nhu in 1959 with an unknown explosive device, and a failed military coup in 1960, the First Republic had been internally and external subverted [Hammer, 1987]. According to the United Nations Fact Finding Mission report, both Buddhist and Catholic organizations chose to display their many religious flags in their pagodas and churches during their celebration, while the national flag was underrepresented. At a time when North Vietnam's agression surged, President Diem noticed that National pride seemed to take secondary place to religious and political belief. The Department of Interior was to pass a law that would emphasize unity in South Vietnam, requiring people displayed their national pride by rallying behind the national flag, then showed their freedom of religion with their various religious flags and symbols. This law was to be enacted in 1963, just before the Catholic celebration of the Feast of Ascension and the Buddhist celebration of Buddha birthday, which no one seemed to be concerned that it would be used for political purposes of purporting the First Republic in a negative light [United Nations, 1964]. By the time the international media had become a negative maelstrom from the pressure of Germany and France, the architect of the 1949 Geneva Convention, the political climate in Washington toward South Vietnam had became toxic [Hasdorff, 2003]. Madame Nhu, in her final trip to the United States (Vietnamese: Chuyến Đi Dãi Độc), with her messages of women liberation and South Vietnam progress, was being taken by the press under much negative light, as the United States foreign policies started South Vietnam toward a dangerous path [Hasdorff, 2003].

    The First Republic, meanwhile, had to deal with Communist aggression from the North and to cope with growing unrest among South Vietnamese Buddhists and other religious groups. As the military influences and discontents grew stronger in the government, the First Republic implemented Strategic Hamlets, a successful program to control insurgents [Moyar, 2006]. Unfortunately, this accomplishment from the civilian side of the government grew pale in comparison to anti-government agitation among the Buddhists that was especially strong. The notable incident was the killings of demonstrators at a state run radio station in Hue, central Vietnam. According to the U.S. Consulate at Hue to Washington, DC, there were 2 incidents that caused civilian lives. One happened at the porch of the radio station and another somewhere outside the radio station [U.S. Department of State, 1963]. The government charged that the Buddhist groups had become infiltrated by politically hostile persons, including Communists. This contention was supported by outside observers, including a U.S. fact-finding team [Onion, Sullivan, Mullen, 2009], [Hammer, 1987], [United Nations, 1964]. With the burning death of a revered Buddhist monk, massive media campaign of alleged Buddhist persecution, arrests of Buddhist radicals who attempted self-immolation in Saigon, Hue Radio Station incident, further arrests of Buddhist radicals in Hue, the government takeover of main pagodas in Saigon, and other unfriendly remarks toward the Buddhists to the Associated Press by Madame Nhu, the First Republic was engulfed in media storms. The New York Times printed editorials from Reverend Donald Harrington and Dr. Erich Wulf indicated the First Republic persecuted the larger Buddhist populations through excessive military forces and oppressive policies. Drs. Harrington and Wulf claimed that Catholic Church in Vietnam obtained U.S. fundings to build universities and oppressed Buddhists [Harrington, July 1963], [Wulff, August 1963]. These were refuted with other editorials from Reverend Patrick O'Connor. While Dr. Harrington was in the United States, Dr. Wulff was in Vietnam for two years. Father O'Connor was there considerably longer. Despite claims of religious favoritism, Catholic officers and generals occupied a fraction of overall census. Out of seventeen Cabinet members, only 5 were Catholics, out of nineteen generals, only four were Catholics; and out of fourteen special forces commanding officers, only four were Catholics. Buddhists did not have presence in armed forces chaplain because of their pacifist doctrines. Buddhist monks and nuns could not accompany troops to battle fields and could only function on certain days due to religious observance. The Catholic and Protestant chaplains; however, did not have such restrictions. Buddhists did not have special centers for leperosies or other infectious diseases. Catholic missions set up shelter centers for indiginous people to Vietnam, collectively called Viet Toc. Four Catholic universities and numerous schools, operated in cities and remote areas in Vietnam, ran with donations from Catholic churches in Vietnam, and from Germany and the United States. These were chaired by non-Catholic state officials. Two state-run Buddhist universities, operated in Saigon, were under the Buddhist hierarchy control [O'Connor, July 1963], [O'Connor, August 1963]. As the First Republic shifted to harsher policies in dealing with Communism, nine millions piases, or $1.6 million USD, was diverted to build Buddhist temples to accomodate the Buddhist population growth of 32% [Gheddo, 1970].

    Although the majority of Buddhist did not take part directly, certain radical Buddhist leadership's opposition to the Saigon regime was responsible for the November 2, 1963, coup that overthrew and killed President Diệm [Brush, 2005], [Moyar, 2006]. While many considered the Buddhist Crisis was over after the death of President Diem and the replacement of the First Republic, political unrests continued to swell further into the following years. As the Military Junta took over, any landmarks resembling the First Republic were destroyed. A notable event was the removal of the Trung Sisters statues in Saigon, a symbol of Vietnamese independence against Chinese imperialism started by two Vietnamese sisters, because it was deemed to honoring Madame Nhu and her daughter [Jacobs, 2004]. It was the arrests and treatment of former government members that finally brought this tyranny of justice to the attention of the United States and the international communities.

    When the Military Junta quickly judged and executed Ngo Dinh Can and members of the former government, the United States intervened and demanded that the new South Vietnam government must provide due process and all legal venues to the accused prior to rendering judgment. In 1964, the Revolutionary Council allowed the accused of the Hue Radio Station incident, Major Dang Sy, to be legally represented by a civilian. At the insistence from the United States, Major Dang should bear no political pressure to testify the truth about the late president and members of his family. The Trial of Dang Sy was closely monitored and followed by international press and the United Nations. During the trial, the government leveled untrue charges and inconclusive evidences against Major Dang, while leaking allegations to to the media to sway international pubic opinions [Gheddo, 1970]. Despite the frame-up, the Military Tribunal could not render a guilty verdict under international guidelines, and instead, handed indefinite confinement to Major Dang, away from the population, under a martial law enacted during the First Republic. As the result from the findings at the trial, the accusations of religious prosecutions by the First Republic were repealed. The government had to release the remaining political prisoners, released confistications of properties, and restored military ranks to whomever applicable. International pressure on the First Republic also eased up. People, who were not imprisoned but considered prominent during the First Republic years, were allowed to go abroad, of their own choices [Gheddo, 1970].

    The Buddhist Crisis continued to ebb and flow until a new constitution was ratified by the Congress, thus the Second Republic was born. In 1971, at the height of the Second Republic and when all religious sects and military factions consolidated, President Ngo Dinh Diem was declared a National hero (Vietnamese: Vị Quốc Vong Thân). A large memorial site was built at Mạc Đĩnh Chi National Cemetery and on the eve of his death in November, Buddhist monks gathered to pray in Sanskrit chants and Roman Catholic clergies performed Latin mass, a pre-Vatican II mandate [Moyar, 2006].

    Today, seeking to justify their places in history, some people ostentatiously referred to the Incident of May 8th, 1963 [U.S. Department of State, 1963], as the Hue Vesak Massacre or Hue chemical attack, that started the Buddhist Crisis. They did not heed that the international communities were already aware of political unrests had started long before that.  These Wikipedia articles were based from the archived U.S. government documents and ironically used anti-Vietnam War authors to lend credence to debunked accusations brought up by the media at the time. These anti-war authors did not, by far, support the information provided by the documents archived by the Department of State. They sought the illigitimacy of the Vietnam War and how the Vietnam War could have been avoided. Wikipedia 's General Counsel announced in 2006 that the company had agressively stepping up its contents integrity by enforcing APA references and cited sources for any posted information. These dishonorable articles did not serve the true purposes of the authors who were either pro-Vietnam War or anti-Vietnam War.  While these politically or racially motivated campaigns certainly served as amusing, unsupported distractions aimed at South Vietnamese abroad dignity on public forums, they do not, in any way, change the realities that currently facing the united Vietnam. Particularly, in the areas of war crimes, human rights, trafficking and national sovereignty with its ally and neighbor, China.

     

    References:

    Telegram From U.S. Consulate at Hue to the Department of State. U.S. Department of State, 1963.

     

     

    After the Trial of Dang Sy

    Epilogue

     

    After Mr. Dang's release, some Saigon newspapers printed retractions, apologizing to the Dangs for the negative media frenzy. Duyên Anh, a renown South Vietnam writer, musician and reporter, whose literary works were printed on several newspapers such as Xây Dựng, Sống, Chính Luận, Công Luận, Con Ong, Tuổi Ngọc.... chronicled the Dangs' ordeal. His article focused primarily on Mrs. Dang and her struggle to save her husband. Tragedy struck again in 1968, during the Tet Offensive, when Mr. Dang's younger brother was among the thousands who perished in central Vietnam by the invading armies from the North. Like many of these unfortunately victims, Mr. Dang's brother's body was never recovered.

    After a few years with Bank of America, Mr. Dang was approached by a group of acquaintances who had found successes with entrepreneurship. Mr. Dang joined a small company that contracted with South Vietnam army to dispose steel and other metals wastes. His skills in dealing with English speakers soon made him from an advisor, to vice president. The company expanded its customer base to U.S. army and other allies beyond Southeast Asia such as Taiwan and Japan. Until the Fall of Saigon, Mr. Dang was the chairman of the executive board for an import-export company, South Asia Facilities. After the Fall, Mr. Dang was again imprisoned for his involvement with the previous regimes. Mr. Dang's encounter with American prisoner of war (POW) brought him to the attention of the United States once more [Government Printing Office, 1992]. The Dangs finally escaped to the United States during the boat people plights [Baltimore Sun, 1987]. Mr. Dang worked for U.S. Catholic Relief Service and Department of Social Service as employment counselor and coordinator for the local Southeast Asian population until his retirement [Baltimore Sun, 1987].

    In hindsight, if both the Catholics and Buddhists were to work together, this violent and sad chapter in Vietnam history would have easily blown away. Unfortunately, radical reporting had created such a hostile environment [American Catholic Historical Society of Philadelphia, 2004], that impeded any cooperation and spawned many misunderstandings that can be still found in today's books.

    In 1987, Pagodas Publishing Company, in Paris, France, re-printed a book, written in Vietnamese by a Buddhist monk with alias Tue Vinh, revisited the reports that were initially provided to the U.S. Embassy in Saigon indicating Major Dang ordered his troops to fire. In 2002, former General Nguyễn Cao Kỳ published his memoirs, "Buddha's Child", reiterated the claim that Major Đặng ordered his troops to shoot at demonstrators, killing 9 Buddhists and wounded 24 people at this same event [Wolf, 2002], [Wikipedia, 2006]. Other sources indicated the turmoil preceded the deaths was caused by skirmishes between Catholic and Buddhist youth and college students, which went out of control. No reliable sources could pinpoint the cause of the casualties, which varied from 4 deaths and 24 wounded, to 8 deaths and no wounded [Truong, 2010]. One reason for the durability of this misinterpreted version is that the endless repetition by other commentators produced the impression that it had to be right [Moyar, 2007].



    References:
     
    1. U.S. Senate Report - POW and MIA. Government Printing Office, 1992.
    2. Happy July 4th. The Baltimore Sun, July 1987.
    3. American Catholic studies, Volume 115, Issues 1-4. American Catholic Historical Society of Philadelphia, 2004.
    4. Wolf, Marvin J. and Nguyen, Cao Ky. Buddha's Child: My Fight to Save Vietnam. Macmillan Publishing, 2002.
    5. Hue Vesak Shooting. Wikipedia, 2006.
    6. Truong, Vinh. Vietnam War: The New Legion. Trafford Publishing, 2010..
    7. Moyar, Mark.  The Vietnam History You Haven't Heard - Christian Science Monitor, January 2007.

     

    Bibliographies and Online Resources

    U.S. News Headlines 1963-66

    During the Trial of Dang Sy, many newspapers in the United States provided coverage.  Some of the headlines were:

    U.S. Official Reports

    Beginning of the Buddhist Crisis, May 9-June 16, 1963: Incident in Hue, the Five Buddhist Demands, Use of Tear Gas in Hue, Self Immolation of Quang Duc, Negotiations in Saigon To Resolve the Crisis, Agreement on the Five Demands
    https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1961-63v03/ch3

    Telegram From the Consulate at Hue to the Department of State, May 10 report
    https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1961-63v03/d112

    Vietnam, August–December 1963
    https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1961-63v04

    Reassessment in Washington and Inaction in Saigon, August 28-September 7, 1963: The Coup Stalls, President Kennedy's Public Statement, Attempts To Negotiate Nhu's Removal and Change South Vietnam's Policies
    https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1961-63v04/ch1112 

    Telegram From the Consulate at Hue to the Department of State - Nguyen Van Dang announce to 800 youths that May 8 incident was https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1961-63v03/d112  

    Period of Interlude, September 7-October 22, 1963: Assessment of the Progress of the War, U.S. Efforts To Reform the Diem Government, The McNamara-Taylor Mission to Vietnam and Report, U.S. Policy on Coup Plotting in Vietnam
    https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1961-63v04/ch2

    The Coup Against the Diem Government, October 23-November 2, 1963: Differing Interpretations of U.S. Policy Toward Coup Plotting, Efforts To Obtain Information on a Potential Coup, Lodge-Diem Discussions, U.S. Assessments of a Coup, The Coup, The Deaths of Nhu and Diem (Documents 209-278)
     https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1961-63v04/ch3

    U.S. Relations With the Provisional Government of Vietnam, November 2-22, 1963: U.S. Recognition of the Provisional Government, The Fate of Remaining Ngo Family Members and Tri Quang, U.S. Advice to the New Government, Rejection of a Neutralized South Vietnam, The Special Honolulu Meeting
    https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1961-63v04/ch4

    Published Books

    Supports for Major Dang's testimony.

    MacAndrews, Lawrence. White House Studies. The Lonesome Dove: The Pope, The President, The Church and Vietnam. University of Georgia Press, 2010.

    Douglass, James. JFK and the unspeakable: Why He Died and Why It Matters. Orbis Books, 2008.

    American Catholic studies, Volume 115, Issues 1-4. American Catholic Historical Society of Philadelphia, 2004.

    Moyar, Mark. Triumph Forsaken: the Vietnam war, 1954-1965. Cambridge University Press, 2006.

    Prados, John. Lost Crusader: the Secret Wars of CIA director William Colby. Oxford University Press, 2004.

    Dommen, Arthur J. The Indochinese experience of the French and the Americans: Nationalism and Communism in Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam . Indiana University Press, 2001.


    Blair, Anne E. Lodge in Vietnam: A Patriot Abroad. Yale University Press, 1995.


    Gheddo, Piero. The Cross and the Bo De-tree: Catholics and Buddhists in Vietnam. Sheed and Ward Publishing, 1970.

    Hammer, Ellen J. A Death in November. Penguin Publishing Group, 1987.

    MacDonald, Glenn. Report or distort? Vietnam War, 1961-1975. Exposition Press, 1973.

    Schuyler, Philippa Duke. Good men die? Twin Circle Publishing Company, 1969.

    Congressional Record: Proceedings and Debates, Volume 114, Part 17 (1967).
    United States Congress: House Committee on Foreign Affairs - Foreign Assistance Act of 1966, H.R. 12449, 89-2


    Higgins, Marguerite. Our Vietnam nightmare. Harper Row Publishing, 1965.

    Allegations against Major Dang and his troops.

    Topmiller, Robert J. The Lotus Unleashed: The Buddhist Peace Movement in South Vietnam, 1964-1966. University Press of Kentucky, 2006.

    Wolf, Marvin J. and Nguyen, Cao Ky. Buddha's Child: My Fight to Save Vietnam. Macmillan Publishing, 2002.

    Arnett, Peter. Live from the battlefield: from Vietnam to Baghdad. TouchStone Publishing, 1994.

    . Pratt, John Clark. Vietnam Voices: Perspectives on the War Years, 1941-1975. University of Georgia Press, 2008.
    Bates, Milton J. and Just, Ward. Reporting Vietnam: American journalism, 1959-1975, Volume 1. South Vietnam: a political history, 1954-1970. Keesing's Publications.

    Maitland, Terrence and Weiss, Stephen . Raising the stakes? Boston Publishing Company, 1982.

    Braley, Russ. Bad News: the Foreign Policy of the New York Times. Regnery Gateway, 1984.

    McCabe, Robert Karr. Storm over Asia: China and Southeast Asia: Thrust and Response. New American Library 1967.

    Critchfield, Richard. The Long Charade: Political Subversion in the Vietnam War? Vietnam War, 1961-1975. Harcourt, Brace & World, 1968.

    Pan, Chao-ying and Lyons, Daniel. Vietnam Crisis. Twin Circle Publishing Co., 1967.

    Vietnamese ViewPoints

    Truong Vinh. Vietnam War: The New Legion. Trafford Publishing, 2010.

    Maintained that Military Junta's records showed live munition were issued to Major Dang who ordered his troops to deploy them. The casualties were raised again from 8 dead with no wounded, to the 9 dead and 25 wounded. The stampede, reported by the government, was caused by skirmishes between Catholic and Buddhist college students.

    Lịch Sử Vẩn Còn Đây (English: Our History Unforgotten). Nguyên Lữ, (2006)

    Maintained the 8 casualties were caused by powerful, unknown explosives, not the concussion grenades used by government forces. While the media, in Vietnam and United States, favored the version provided by Dr. Errich Wulff and radical Buddhists, Thich Tri Quang declined to testify at the Trial of Dang Sy on the grounds that he was not there. The stampede, immediately followed the explosions, was started by Buddhist faithfuls who concerned that harms had fallen on Thich Tri Quang who was still inside the radio station. After the fall of the First Republic, Thich Tri Quang wielded great influence on the incomings and outgoings of government appointees in Hue.

    Công và Tội: Những Sự Thật của Lịch Sữ (English: Credit and Sin : Our Historical Truths). Trân Nguyên, (1991)

    Maintained that a crowd, of various religions, was gathering at radio station to protest the ban of the Buddhist flag when unknown explosions shook the grounds. The 8 casualties were caused by powerful, unknown explosives, not the concussion grenades used by government forces.

    Bên Giòng Lịch Sử (English: Riding Our History Currents). Cao Văn Luận, (1991)

    Maintained the 8 casualties were caused by powerful, unknown explosives. Hypothetically caused by:

    1. an errand grenade thrown by Major Dang's troops,
    2. an unknown party hidden among the South Vietnamese troops,
    3. the radicals who infiltrated Thich Tri Quang's rowdy crowd.

    Father Cao Van Luan concluded the first theory was not possible since the court accepted the fact that Major Dang and his troops did not have such powerful explosive in their arsenal. The German professors who witnessed the incidents were not reliable. One was influenced by anti-American sentiments while the other two only lived in South Vietnam from 1959 to 1961.

    Làm Thế Nào Để Giết Một Tổng Thống (English: How to Remove a President). Cao Thế Dung, Lương Khải Minh

    Maintained that even though Saigon Headquarters telegraphed orders to ban all religious flags, save the national flag, Ngo Dinh Can ordered Major Dang Sy to announce to the public that the law would apply after the Buddhist holiday. Unknown to the administration, some policemen started tearing down the Buddhist flags while Thich Tri Quang gathered people at the radio station to protest the ban. As the crowd congregated, Thich Tri Quang arrived and demanded his recorded sermons to the Buddhists attending his pagoda, to be played over the radio. The Director refused,barricaded himself and waited for the police when the crowd got rowdy and tried to push in. The police and local firemen were unable to disperse the crowd with their authority and firehose. The military was summoned as last resort. As Major Dang and his contingence entered the radio station at 10:30PM, two large explosions, about 50 meters from Major Dang, fatally wounded the young bystanders, including a grown woman. The bystanders were of various religions. The explosions were caused by an American serviceman, who later admitted to the South Vietnamese army investigators.Cuộc Tranh Đấu của Phật Giáo (English: The Struggle of the Vietnam Buddhism: from the Celebration of the Birthday of Buddha), Quốc Tuệ (1964, reprinted 1987)Maintained Buddhist faithfuls were gathering outside the radio station to protest the government ban on unfurling Buddhist flag on the single largest Buddhist holiday. When facing civil protest, government troops opened fire and threw grenades into crowd, causing the 9 deads and 21 wounded.

    Cuộc Tranh Đấu của Phật Giáo (English: The Struggle of the Vietnam Buddhism), Kiếm Đạt (1981)

    Maintained that at 9:30PM, Major Dang ordered tanks, with the inscription "Ngô Đình Khôi", to fire powerful shells and mortars around the crowd, causing the 7 deads and 1 mortally wounded. Ngo Dinh Khoi was President Diem's older brother, a Viet Minh member who died during the Communist party violent purge of nationalists out of the Viet Minh coalition.

    Websites

    1. Incident of Buddhist flag - US involvement - Coup Generals
    2. Mark Moyar
    3. Vietnam Center and Archive

    Graduate Papers

    Case Study - Assassination of Ngo Dinh Diem and Ngo Dinh Nhu